European Economic Community Research Articles

Does governance matter to ensure significant effect of foreign direct investment on poverty reduction? Evidence from developing and emerging countries

This paper examines the moderating role of governance in the effect of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) on poverty using simultaneous equations models for sub-Saharan African, Asian, Latin American and Eastern European countries over the period 1996–2017. The main objective of this study is to examine the role of governance as a moderator of the FDI effect on poverty. Our analyses support a positive significant impact of FDI on poverty reduction in sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America but a negative effect in Eastern Europe, while it is not significant in Asian economies. In addition, we detect a positive conjoint impact of FDI and governance quality on poverty in all African, Latin American and Eastern European economic communities. However, this interactive effect is negative and not significant in Asia. This means that FDI reduces poverty in the presence of governance quality. Our results support that in the poorest countries (sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America), poverty is more sensitive to interactions between governance and FDIs than in the richest countries (ASIA). As policy implications of this study, governments in less developed regions must give great importance to improving the quality of governance. In this way, it becomes possible to attract foreign direct investment and increase household consumption reducing poverty as main purpose of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) for 2030.

Changing Nature of the European Union - Turkey Relations: From Civilizational Project to Transactional Cooperation

Turkey’s ambition to be anchored in the European integration process is one of the oldest and most challenging priorities of its foreign policy. As a symbolic coincidence, the centenary of the Republic of Turkey overlaps with the 60th anniversary of its association relationship with the then European Economic Community (EEC) during when both sides have experienced frequent fluctuations in their bilateral relations. In that sense, the idea of change has always embedded in Turkey-European Union (EU) relations corresponding to much broader changes in Turkey’s foreign policy. This study is aware of the fact that focusing on one side will provide only a partial explanation of variations in the EU-Turkey relations and aims to present the drivers of change in their mutual relations not only by focusing on the actions and inactions of the successive Turkish governments but also by paying attention to the changes in the EU’s and its member states’ policies towards Turkey. This study adopts literature review and tries to answer how Turkey’s EU policy has transformed in the last 60 years by analysing historical turning points in this period and their implications for the ongoing relations. Based on this historical analysis, this study argues that the relationship between the EU and Turkey, which has been becoming increasingly distant from each other, has lost the initial civilisational spirit and turned into a patronage symbolised by ad-hoc transactional agreement/s.

The language of diplomatic mediation – A case study of an emergency meeting in the wake of the Yugoslav wars

In this paper, we examine the language of diplomatic mediation from the perspective of speech acts and interaction, by studying an unofficial transcript of an emergency meeting in 1991 between representatives of the European Economic Community (EEC) and Slovenia and Croatia. We use a bottom-up methodology, bringing together ritual, speech acts and interaction, to capture recurrent conventions of diplomatic mediation in a strictly language-anchored fashion. The EEC representatives had a vested interest in swiftly resolving the conflict, and even before consulting with the Slovenian and Croatian representatives they already reached an initial agreement with the Yugoslav state representatives. Due to this fait accompli situation, we assume that they had to show particular awareness of the ritually ‘neutral’ tone of the mediator. Through our methodology we capture the replicable features of diplomatic mediation, and because of this our results are relevant for the study of the language of diplomacy.

The Origin and Architectural and Technological Characteristics and Opportunities for the Reuse of Portugal’s EPAC Silo Network

Portugal’s EPAC (Empresa Pública do Abastecimiento dos Cereais) silo network, initially planned in the 1930s but constructed and utilised primarily in the 1970s, consisted of 31 silos with a total capacity of 841,100 t. The network’s usage declined, however, due to market liberalisation and Portugal’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1985. This study focuses on adapting a methodology to inventory and analyse the 31 silos in the EPAC network, considering their general features, construction, technological facilities, and socioeconomic aspects. The silos are situated in 30 cities and towns, predominantly in the country’s key grain-growing regions, particularly the Alentejo region. While there are variations in design and construction, most EPAC silos contain two or three rows of circular reinforced concrete cells and use the spaces between cells for storage. Their capacities range from 6000 to 35,000 t. Some are inland grain reception and storage silos, while others are larger-capacity port silos designed to unload grain rapidly onto ships using mechanical or pneumatic unloaders. These structures are a significant part of Portugal’s agro-industrial heritage and have, in some cases, been repurposed as museums or event venues. Compared to other agro-industrial buildings, silos pose unique conversion challenges due to their height and design complexities. Examples of successful reuse in countries like Spain and Italy may provide insights for potential silo projects in Portugal. However, analysis suggests that such proposals and similar initiatives may be viable only in the more highly populated towns.

Risks associated with the technological adoption of industrial symbiosis: A study of its implementation by geographic regions

This research investigates the factors influencing the adoption of industrial symbiosis practices, focusing on their relevance in geographical contexts within developing countries associated with the European Economic Community. The study employs geographical weighting analysis as its primary methodology, allowing for a nuanced examination of variable impacts within specific geographic regions. Data is gathered through surveys distributed to companies operating in various high-energy consumption sectors that have previously engaged in industrial symbiosis activities to varying extents. The study’s findings emphasize the crucial role that financial and performance-related risks played in influencing the decision-making process surrounding the implementation of industrial symbiosis. Furthermore, the research highlights the significance of regional dynamics in influencing waste disposal practices and the overall success of industrial symbiosis initiatives. Additionally, the study underscores the impact of social media and networks in disseminating vital information that is instrumental in advancing innovative industrial symbiosis processes. These findings hold practical implications for stakeholders, including policymakers, businesses, and organizations aiming to foster sustainable economic practices. Understanding the influence of risk factors and regional intricacies enables tailoring strategies that can promote industrial symbiosis adoption. Moreover, recognizing the pivotal role of social media and networks in knowledge dissemination can accelerate the adoption of novel practices, facilitating the transition towards greener economies in developed and developing regions associated with the European Economic Community.

EXPECTING THE SAME RESULTS FROM DISSIMILAR LEGAL TEXTS: AN ASSESSMENT OF ASSOCIATION AGREEMENTS OF TÜRKİYE AND GREECE

In this article, the Association Agreements of Greece, which signed the first association agreement with the European Economic Community (EEC), and then Türkiye, which signed a similar agreement, were compared. It has been argued for a long time that the Athens and Ankara Agreements concluded by the EEC at that time were alike agreements, and that the Ankara Agreement was even “inspired” by the Athens Agreement. This article tries to reveal that although the aims and purposes of these Agreements are similar, they diverge considerably when examined closely both in spirit and wording. It is understood that the protection shown and the political support given to Greece played an important role in the major difference in their functioning and speed. The argument of the article is that the Athens Agreement was prepared from the very beginning by the EEC to bring Greece to full membership as quickly as possible. Indeed, thanks to this agreement, Greece entered the customs union with the EEC in 1968 and became a full member of the Union in 1981. The Ankara Agreement with Türkiye, on the other hand, appears to be a derivative agreement very close to the Athens Agreement at first glance, but it is an agreement with different important clauses and a “deliberately” weakened regulative power. As a result, the Ankara Agreement, which is still in force and forms the legal basis of the relations of Türkiye with the EU, neither at the time it was signed nor today has the proper content to carry Türkiye into full membership. It is not meaningful in this context to expect equal results from legal texts that differ in this way. This paper attempts to prove this assertion.

European Technical Democracy? How Consumer Associations Did—or Did Not—Shape the 1980s Automotive Environmental Standards

abstract: Did the 1980s automotive standards reflect the European Economic Community's move toward a "technical democracy" or a broader democratic deficit? In the early 1980s, Europe's automotive sector faced multiple challenges: the European Commission's desire to harmonize technical standards and achieve greater European integration, intense competition between manufacturers, and environmental issues like acid rain. Debates on reducing air pollution focused on unleaded petrol and catalytic converters. Two associations representing civil society in Brussels responded to the increase in environmental concerns with a 1982 joint campaign. Despite a rich historiography on pollutant emission standards, highlighting the strategies of governments and companies, no study has dealt with the role nongovernmental organizations played. Based on public and private archives, particularly those of the European Bureau of Consumers' Unions, this article argues the new regulations did not result from the EU's consultation with civil society organizations like consumer groups but rather with the automotive industry.

Historical Contextualisation of the Word Loyalty in the Discourse of the European Parliament

This article is an analysis of the meaning of the word loyalty in the discourse of the European Parliament. The European Parliamentary Assembly of the European Economic Community and Euratom replaced the Common Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Community. The European Parliament met for the first time in 1958, and initially had a primarily consultative function. However, in the following years, its power increased, and the Maastricht, Amsterdam and Lisbon Treaties transformed it into a legislative body. Together with the Commission, the Council, and the Court of Justice, it forms the complex multi-, inter- and supranational institutional framework of the European Union. Parliamentary discourse can be defined as an argumentative communication genre characterised by official аnd unofficial preconditions. This article examines how loyalty is defined and described in the international parliamentary deliberative discourse with respect to various demands, values, and interests. The research was based on 50 instances of the word loyalty taken from the European Parliament Proceedings Parallel Corpus 1996‒2011, accessed through the web-based system for corpus analysis CQPweb — Lancaster University. The article identifies six meanings of the word loyalty in accordance with the co-text provided by the evidence of quotations and examines the historical context of the development of the European Parliament. The aim of the analysis is to show that a better understanding of the meaning of loyalty in the discourse of the European Parliament depends on the historical contextualisation.

Setting the Agenda on the United Kingdom's Policy towards the European Community: Miriam Camps at Chatham House

Historical analysis of the UK government's policy towards European integration is mostly confined to the ‘official’ sphere, that is government, civil service and professional diplomacy. Non-governmental actors within the wider field of para-diplomacy such as policy entrepreneurs or elite foreign policy think tanks have not yet been systematically incorporated in this history. This article explores when and under what circumstances such diplomatic actors can influence government foreign policy formulation. The case explored here is that of Miriam Camps (1916–94), a scholar, former US diplomat and senior researcher at Chatham House. Camps utilised her Chatham House contacts, including key Foreign Office officials as well as her wider transnational network, to influence the Foreign Office's stance on the so-called ‘empty chair’ crisis of the European Economic Community in 1965/6. The article argues that during the crisis Camps acted as a policy entrepreneur with the aim of advancing her own ideas and changing the UK government's position towards the European Economic Community. Besides demonstrating the influence of unofficial diplomats on policy formulation, the article also contributes to the growing literature on the varied roles of women in international relations and diplomacy.

Peoples, Inhabitants and Workers: Colonialism in the Treaty of Rome

Abstract In 1957, when the Treaty of Rome was signed, founding the European Economic Community (EEC), which later became the European Union (EU), four out of six of the original member states were colonial powers. This article uses archival material from the Treaty of Rome negotiations to interrogate ways in which the colonial politics of the time shaped the drafting of legal categories describing individuals: those of peoples, inhabitants and workers. As the Treaty of Rome ‘associated’ colonized territories to the EEC, this article shows how the treaty simultaneously arranged its legal categories to exclude individuals who lived in colonized territories from legal benefits and representation. This article situates the EU as an example of a post-World War II international organization, with its founding legal texts shaped by colonialism.

Evolution of the European Union Development Policy towards India

Abstract India was the first country in South Asia to establish diplomatic relations with the European Economic Community (EEC). Once, the country was one of the top beneficiaries of the EEC development assistance. However, this article traces the evolution of development policy with India and how the relationship has evolved between the two partners over time. Particularly, the discussion focuses on the development cooperation between the European Union (EU) and India from 1957 to 2020. A major shift took place in 2004 when the EU and India became strategic partners, and India is the only country from South Asia that has established a strategic partnership with the EU. The study also explores the founding principles of the relationship between both partners. The qualitative research method is applied here in the empirical setting to explain the crux of diplomatic relations and development cooperation. Likewise, we found here, through the latest results, that EU–India relations were established and strengthened in the past decade. The EU also concluded some trade negotiations, but the complete free-trade agreements (FTAs) are still in the dialogue phase.

유럽방위공동체(EDC) 창설 실패와 유럽통합의 재도약(relance européenne)

This article aims to examine the relaunching of European integration after the failure to establish the European Defense Community from the perspective of European integration and crisis. The crisis in the early days of European integration in the 1950s, the fiasco to create the European Defense Community and the European Political Community, was a driving force for a new leap forward in integration that led to the creation of the European Economic Community. Case studies from the mid-1950s will present implications for the prospects for the future of the European Union facing crises with new characteristics and the correlation between European integration and the crisis.

Openness, Purposiveness, and the Realignment of the EU and the Democratic and Social Constitutional State

AbstractContrary to predominant European constitutional narratives assuming the alignment between the European Union legal framework and national constitutional orders, this Article points at the current misalignment between the prevailingly purposive European Union institutional order and the prevailingly open character of the Democratic and Social Constitutional State. The evolutionary trajectories leading to the current status quo are examined by distinguishing an age of openness, in which the institutional frameworks of both the European Economic Communities and the Democratic and Social Constitutional State lent themselves to a range of competing legislative renderings, from an age of purposiveness opened by the Treaty of Maastricht, in which a neoliberal policy agenda was gradually entrenched in the Treaties, with the result of undermining the adaptability and inclusiveness of European public law structures. To counter this development, this Article identifies in a drastic deconstitutionalization of the Economic and Monetary Union the key move to favor the realignment of the European Union and the Democratic and Social Constitutional State.

Exploration of Applicability of Diatom Indices to Evaluate Water Ecosystem Quality in Tangwang River in Northeast China

The diatom index has been widely used in the evaluation of water ecological quality, but the applicability of the diatom index often varies in different study areas. The accuracy of the evaluation results depends on the applicability of the diatom index, especially when it is not applied to the place where it is created. In order to screen out the diatom index suitable for the evaluation of the water ecological quality of Tangwang River in northeast China, and to identify the factors affecting the accuracy of the diatom index, the community structure and water environment characteristics of 24 sample sites were investigated in Tangwang River in August 2018, and 18 diatom indices were calculated. The discriminative ability of diatom indices was analyzed using the box plot method, and the factors affecting the accuracy of the diatom index were identified by combining Pearson and Spearman correlation analyses. The results show that the discriminability of the Biological Diatom Index (BDI), Specific Pollution Sensitivity Index (IPS), Idse Leclercq (IDSE), Indice Diatomique Artois Picardie (IDAP), Diatom Eutrophication Pollution Index (EPI-D), Trophic Index (Rott TI), European Economic Community Index (CEE), and Watanabe Index (WAT) was the strongest, which could reasonably distinguish the reference group from the lightly damaged group. In general, the water ecological condition of Tangwang River Basin is good in the wet season, and the water ecological quality of about 80% of the sample sites was “moderate” or better. The main factors affecting the evaluation accuracy of the diatom index in Tangwang River Basin are the correlation strength between the diatom index and habitat quality, organic pollution, and nutrients. The coverage of diatom index species had no significant effect on the accuracy of evaluation. In order to reasonably evaluate the aquatic ecological status, it is recommended to use the diatom index, which has a good correlation with the environmental factors in the study area, or to establish a new diatom index based on the diatom community and environmental factors in the study area.

Re‐assessing the Conservative Anti‐EEC Rebellion of 1971–2*

AbstractHistorians have overlooked the 1971–2 Conservative EEC rebellion because of the relative ease with which Edward Heath took the UK into the European Economic Community (EEC). In contrast with the rebellion over ratification of the Maastricht Treaty in 1993, Heath did not lose a vote on ‘Europe’. However, the episode marks a turning point in the way anti‐EEC dissent was expressed in the Conservative Party. The rush for EEC entry after the 1970 election stunned anti‐marketeers who believed they would not be corralled into voting against their stated beliefs. This pushed Neil Marten MP into organising a more sophisticated rebel organisation that would intensify the rebellion against the EEC. When compared to previous dissent on the EEC, it was organised and fully prepared to bring down a Conservative government. The episode nearly split the Conservative Party in two as anti‐market MPs threatened their constituency associations with by‐elections to resist grassroots pressure.

Avrupa Birliği Eğitim Eylem Planı Politikalarının İncelenmesi

In relation to general education in the European Union, the basis of the Education Action Plan was laid in the 1973 Janne Report and entered into force at the Council of Ministers in 1976. The education policies of the European Union are not binding on governments individually, and there is no clear statement in the Treaty of Rome and the European Economic Community providing for cooperation in education. However, only In-Service training (In-Service Training) is included in the Treaty of Rome. Jean Monnet, which is considered the founding agreement of the European Community, emphasized the view that if the Union is re-established, the point of departure will be created by education instead of economics. This period is considered as a touchstone for the cooperation of the European Union in general education. Programs such as Petra and Erasmus allow many young people to experience education within Europe. European Union Educational Programs have been started for a period extending up to 20 years after the establishment of the European Economic Community by the treaty of Rome in 1957. In the mid-1970s, the European Community launched its first training program with vocational education. 128 Of the treaty of Rome. by implementing the statement in 1963, it draws an important framework for vocational education policy. Thus, the council of ministers of education convened in 1995 and took a series of Decrees envisaging providing secondary education opportunities for girls, providing educational opportunities for second-generation immigrant children, adopting the principle of continuous and “Lifelong Education” that will last from school to business life, and interuniversity cooperation within the scope of student exchange. Key Words: European Union, Education Action Plan, Education Policies

The transnational archival memory of European integration

The European Coal and Steel Community established in 1951, the European Atomic Energy Community, and the European Economic Community, both established in 1957, built the roots of the European single market and are direct forerunners of today’s European Union. The vision of a united post-War (Western) Europe went far beyond economic considerations, as can be seen in the preamble of the Rome Treaties with its concept of “ever closer union”. It made the European Union a unique transnational political and cultural phenomenon based on common values and supranational decision-making processes. Archives hold the memory of the multi-levelled European integration process. European integration produced a new model of transnational archives with specific privileges, immunities and working methods. These archives preserve the legal acts, negotiations, correspondence, and documents produced by intergovernmental or nongovernmental European institutions and organisations and make them available to the public. The Historical Archives of the European Union play a central role in transmitting the memory, informing the public and fostering research on these diverse types of archives.

A Dual Entity: The European Investment Bank and Its Lending Policy from Its Origins to the Late 1970s

By reconstructing the lending policy of the European Investment Bank (EIB) from its inception in 1958 to the late 1970s, this article shows that, until the 1970s, the EIB did not pursue EEC (European Economic Community) policies but policy elaborated at the national level. The individual member states’ political priorities and preferences played a key role in shaping the loan operations and the bank's loans were used rather more individualistically by each community country in pursuit of national aims. This situation started to change in the 1970s when internal and external developments to the EEC redeployed and refocused the methods and objectives of the bank so that lending progressively became the result of the interplay between EEC institutions. Gradually, the EIB moved away from being a mere member state's tool to pursue individual national policies, transformed into an EEC policy-driven bank and it became the financial arm of the EEC.

British diplomatic re-engagement in the Pacific: more than just words?

ABSTRACT The United Kingdom’s trade policy of ‘Commonwealth Preference’, long treasured by Australians and New Zealanders, was phased out half a century ago as Britain shied from the expense of remaining a world power, and sought the practical benefits of commercial integration in the European Economic Community. In the context of the 2016 referendum, leading Brexit supporters resurrected memories of Britain’s erstwhile trade with Commonwealth partners, disingenuously presented as an alternative to the country’s most profitable markets in Europe. This article examines the substance of the current Conservative government’s purported British re-engagement with the Commonwealth states of the Pacific, be it Australia and New Zealand or small Pacific Island states, in fields including trade, aid, strategic relations and diplomacy more broadly.

The Neglected Integration Crisis: France, Germany and Lacking European Co‐operation During the 1973/1974 Oil Shock

AbstractWhen does European co‐operation and (further) integration not happen in the face of a major integration crisis? When do France and Germany not emerge as regional stabilizers, forging and uploading bilateral compromises to the European level? By developing a combined theoretical framework based on liberal intergovernmentalism and leadership approaches, this article analyses the European Economic Community's (EEC) reaction to the 1973/1974 oil crisis. Despite some favourable conditions, differences in domestic energy markets and relations with Arab oil‐producing countries complicated member state co‐operation. In turn, divergent economic philosophies and foreign policy priorities prevented France and Germany from filling the European leadership vacuum. As a consequence, the EEC did not find a unified stance on the Arab oil embargo, subordinated itself to US‐American dominance and undermined its common market via export restrictions for oil. The findings suggest that without minimum convergent member state preferences or compensating regional leadership, European integration and today's European Union risk stalling or even disintegrating.